суббота, 4 мая 2013 г.

Further Reading

Christopher Clark, The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914 (Allen Lane, 2012).
Misha Glenny, The Balkans 1804-1999: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers (Granta, 2000).
Mark Mazower, The Balkans: From the End of Byzantium to the Present Day (Phoenix, 2000).
For more articles on this subject visit www.historytoday.com
One of many: burying a soldier after the battle of Adrianople, 1913.
Serbian refugees flee Macedonia as fighting breaks out between the Kosovo Liberation Army and Serbian forces in 1999.
The Balkans, 1912-18.
Contemporary postcard showing the Greek fleet attacking Ottoman positions in the First Balkan War.
Nikola, King of Montenegro from 1910, rallies troops as his country declares war on the Ottoman Empire, October 8th, 1912.
French cartoon of Tsar Nicholas II admonishing Bulgaria for its greed over the partition of Macedonia in the Balkan Wars.
Bulgarian troops at the Serbian border during the Second Balkan War, June 1913.
Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz Tito (right) poses with his staff and the Serbian Chetnik leader Draza Mihailovic (in spectacles) during the Second World War.
UN troops patrol Ahinici, Bosnia, after Croat forces massacred Muslim civilians, whose mosque was destroyed in the fighting, April 1993.
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By Richard C. Hall

Europe and the Balkans

Another contemporary question emanating from the Balkan Wars concerns Kosovo. Serbian troops occupied this predominantly Albanian-inhabited region early in the First Balkan War. Except for 1915-18, when it was under Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian occupation, and 1941-44, when it was annexed to first Italian-ruled and then German-ruled Albania, Kosovo remained under Serbian domination until the 1997 revolt and the subsequent imposition of United Nations rule in 1999. In February 2008 Kosovo declared its independence. Serbia continues to claim it.
Closely related to the problem of Kosovo is that of the Albanians in all of south-eastern Europe. Albanian nationalists had proclaimed independence in Vlorë (Valona) as far back as November 28th, 1912, an act recognised by the Great Powers in London that year. But Albania failed to achieve political stability until the 1920s. Indeed after years of Italian, German, Yugoslav, Soviet and even Chinese predominance, Albania was only to join the greater European community after the demise of its Communist regime in 1992. At present there are two Albanian states, Albania and Kosovo, with capitals at Tirana and Pristina, respectively. As long as nationalism retains its potency and as Albania continues to grow economically while Kosovo stagnates, Albania and Kosovo will have a strong incentive to establish a Greater Albania. Should this happen the Albanians who constitute over a quarter of the population of Macedonia would certainly seek their own inclusion in this Greater Albania. At the same time the Serbs of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia would be likely to seek their own inclusion in Serbia and the Croats would pull out of the Bosniak-Croat federation, leaving Bosnia with just a rump Bosniak state around Sarajevo. We might then see the remainder of Macedonia, already alienated from Greece and Serbia, attempting some kind of accommodation with Bulgaria. Further afield, Moldova might strengthen its cultural, economic and political ties to fellow Latin-speaking Romania.
The outbreak of the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 initiated a period of conflict in Europe that has endured off and on for almost a century. Now, one hundred years after the outbreak of the conflicts, the states of this region all seek integration into the European Union. Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece and Romania have managed this. Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia still await inclusion. It appears that only a wider European perspective can overcome the nationalist divisions of the Balkans.

Frail federation

A century after the outbreak of the Balkan Wars, nationalist conflict in the region is not necessarily at an end. Some problems remain. The federal republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, established in November 1995 in Dayton, remains a frail construct. Its constituent components, the Bosniak-Croat federation and the Serbian Republic, continue to be hostile to each other. The federal apparatus, with a collective presidency reminiscent of the institution that had succeeded Tito in Yugoslavia after his death, barely functions. The survival of the state in this form is tenuous.
The Balkan Wars also failed to resolve the issue of Macedonia. In 1913 Serbia and Greece gained most of its territory. Bulgaria obtained a small section of south-eastern Macedonia but maintained claims to the Greek and Serbian portions. Bulgaria occupied these regions during the First and Second World Wars. Macedonia became one of the six constituent republics of Tito's Yugoslavia, but following the collapse of the composite state in 1991 the old Serbian part of Macedonia declared its independence. Greek insistence that the name Macedonia implies claims on its part of that territory has impeded the efforts of the independent state, sometimes called FYROM (the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), to develop economically. Greek intransigence means that Macedonia remains excluded from both the European Union and NATO.

New names, old rivalries

The settlement of the First World War in the Balkans established a larger Romania and the new Serbian-dominated Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (which became Yugoslavia in 1929), subsuming Montenegro. Greece gained Bulgaria's Aegean coastline but, driven by the same nationalist ardour that marked its participation in the Balkan Wars and the First World War, suffered a catastrophic defeat in Anatolia. Bulgaria occupied Macedonia but again failed to retain it and lost the Thracian coast and some small territories to the new Yugoslav state. In the aftermath of the war Albania barely functioned as an organised state.
The nationalist passions that erupted in the Balkan Wars flared again during the Second World War when the Serbian-dominated Yugoslavia collapsed during the invasion and occupation by Nazi Germany and its Bulgarian, Hungarian and Italian allies in 1941. Fighting continued against the invaders but also among the various Yugoslav national groups. Serbian units were formed both to assist the invaders and to oppose them. Croatian and Slovene forces generally supported the invaders. The largest groups -- the Serbian Chetniks, the Croatian Ustashe and the Communist Partisans -- at one time or another all cooperated with the invaders. They also fought among themselves. Much of the internecine fighting took place in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in the Serbian inhabited Krajina region of Croatia, both of which were nominally controlled by the Ustashe, but which became bloody battlegrounds where Chetnik, Ustashe and partisan forces fought with and against German and Italian occupation troops and against each other. The Slavic Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina was caught in the middle. Some Muslims supported the Ustashe, who regarded them as Islamic Croats, while others fought for the partisans. Loyalties of many Yugoslavs often depended upon local issues. The eventual winners in this multi-sided contest were the partisans, led by the Communist Josip Broz Tito. After the war Tito banned any analysis of these complicated events that did not present an overtly pro-partisan bias. While he was alive his Communist government appeared to have succeeded in containing the noxious nationalism that poisoned the region from 1912-1918 and again during the Second World War.
After Tito's death in 1980, however, the system he created declined. The disintegration of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989 undermined the legitimacy of the ruling Communist ideology in Yugoslavia. Nationalism re-emerged. As in 1941 Yugoslavia collapsed along ethnic lines. Again, much of the fighting occurred in Bosnia and in the largely Serbian Krajina region of Croatia. Bosnia became the epicentre of the conflicts. This time the Slavic Muslims, now called Bosniaks, played an important role in the fighting. Not surprisingly Croat forces assumed Ustashe trappings, while those of the Serbs emulated their Chetnik forebears. In 1993 and 1994 Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs fought against each other in Bosnia. Not even the Bosniaks were united, as the forces of Fikret Abdich in Bihach in north-western Bosnia fought a separate war. At times they collaborated with Serbian units, even attempting to establish an independent 'Western Bosnia'. Only through a NATO imposed alliance between the Bosniaks and Croats were the Serbs eventually defeated in Bosnia in the summer of 1995. The three sides then negotiated a fragile peace in Dayton, Ohio in November of that same year.
The Dayton Accords did not bring conflict to an end in the former Yugoslavia. Between 1997 and 1999 Albanians revolted against Serbian rule in Kosovo. In 2000 and 2001 the Albanian minority in Macedonia revolted against the country's Slavic ruler. In 2006 Montenegro, after 88 years of political association with Serbia, regained its independence. In 2008 Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence from Serbia. Ironically this left Serbia, the initiator of much of the fighting that brought about the end of Yugoslavia, with little more territory than it had in 1912 before the outbreak of the First Balkan War.
All three Balkan conflicts had some traits in common. During each of them the major combatants experienced periods of both victory and defeat. During each of them military and political alliances proved to be fragile. Allies became enemies. None of the conflicts achieved decisive results.
Yet the experiences of each Balkan state in these conflicts also differed significantly. During the Second World War Albania and Greece underwent German and Italian occupation and simultaneous civil war. Bulgaria once again took Macedonia but did not participate in major fighting. Romania suffered catastrophic losses fighting alongside Nazi Germany in Soviet Russia and then fighting for the Soviets in Hungary. All of these states largely avoided involvement in the Yugoslav Wars of the late 20th century.

Overture to a greater war

The Balkan Wars presaged the First World War in many ways. They involved conscripted armies; they opened with large flanking movements; they featured the use of massed artillery, concentrated machine guns, assaults on entrenched positions and airplanes. Huge military losses ensued. Total casualties in the Balkan Wars numbered over 150,000 dead, with the Bulgarians and Ottomans suffering the greatest losses. Many more soldiers on all sides were wounded or missing. Civilian dead from disease, displacement and deliberate atrocity were numbered in the tens of thousands. Balkan War battlefields at Doiran, Gallipoli and Kosovo again saw fighting during the First World War.
The most important consequence of the Balkan Wars was the erosion of the Russian position in the region. The collapse of the Balkan League and Russia's failure to save Bulgaria during the Second Balkan War caused the government in Sofia to turn to Berlin and Vienna for redress. Bulgaria was more important for Russia strategically than Serbia, if only because of its proximity to Constantinople. After the loss of Bulgaria only Serbia remained as a viable Russian ally in southeastern Europe. When the Austro-Hungarians declared war on Serbia on July 28th, 1914 war in the Balkans entered a new phase. Russia faced exclusion from the Balkans altogether, if Serbia came under Austro-Hungarian domination, and this informed its decision to go to war with the Central Powers in August 1914.
In the First World War the Bulgarians and Ottomans lined up alongside the Central Powers (though by war's end the former enemies were close to renewing hostilities between themselves). The Montenegrins, Serbs and eventually the Romanians joined the Entente. The Greeks split into pro-Central Powers and pro-Entente factions. Only after a prolonged political schism and the forced abdication of King Constantine did Greece officially join the Entente on June 27th, 1917. The Central Powers occupied northern Albania, while the Entente sent troops into the south. Both sides established armed Albanian units. Fighting, outside of Albania, was fairly conventional. The Balkan Front extended from the Adriatic to the Aegean. Established at the end of 1915, it remained fairly stable until an Entente offensive in September 1918 broke through Bulgarian positions at Dobro Pole. The exhausted Bulgarians signed an armistice with the Entente in Salonika on September 29th, bringing to an end six years of fighting in south-eastern Europe.

Internecine conflict

By this time disputes over Ottoman territories had fractured the Balkan alliance. During the first month of the war the Serbs had occupied the greater share of Macedonia. Austro-Hungarian opposition and the creation of Albania prevented the Serbs from realising their objectives of obtaining northern Albania with its outlet on the Adriatic Sea. To compensate for this loss the Serbs indicated that they intended to remain in Macedonia in defiance of the March 1912 Treaty with Bulgaria. The Greeks had never reached an agreement with the Bulgarians over the disposition of southern Macedonia and Athens and Belgrade soon recognised a common cause against Sofia. Sporadic fighting between Bulgarian and Greek troops erupted around Nigrita in southeastern Macedonia in the spring of 1913.
In June 1913 the Russian government bungled an attempt to arbitrate the Bulgarian-Serbian dispute. As a consequence the Second Balkan War between Bulgaria and its erstwhile allies began with Bulgarian attacks on Greek and Serbian positions in Macedonia on June 30th, 1913. After initial setbacks the Bulgarians stabilised their position. However the entry into the conflict on July 10th by the Romanians, who wanted Bulgarian Dobrudzha (Dobruja), and two days later by the Ottomans, who sought to regain Adrianople, doomed the Bulgarian war effort. Beset by enemies on all sides, the Bulgarians sued for peace. They signed one treaty with Greece, Montenegro, Romania and Serbia at Bucharest on August 10th and another with the Ottoman Empire in Constantinople on September 30th. The Treaty of Athens, signed on November 14th, 1913 formally ended the conflict between Greece and the Ottoman Empire. The Serbs signed another Treaty of Constantinople on March 14th, 1914, finally concluding the war against the Ottomans.
All the Balkan states gained some territory and population from the two conflicts. Despite its defeat in the Second Balkan War Bulgaria obtained a corner of southeastern Macedonia, western Thrace (including an outlet on the Aegean Sea) and two small bits of eastern Thrace. Greece acquired most of Epirus and southern Macedonia, including the major port of Salonika. Montenegro got half of the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, Romania seized the Bulgarian part of Dobrudzha, while Serbia won most of Macedonia, Kosovo and the other half of Novi Pazar.
Yet the treaties of Athens, Bucharest and Constantinople did not end fighting in the Balkan peninsula. Serbian troops continued to skirmish with Albanian irregulars along the as yet uncertain Albanian-Serbian frontier. An Austro-Hungarian ultimatum on October 18th, 1913 demanded that the Serbs evacuate Albanian territory. The Belgrade government complied, but Albanians and Serbs continued to fight in the region, as did Albanians and Greeks in southern Albania.

Balkan cooperation

The Young Turk coup of 1908 had aroused fears among the Balkan states that liberalising reforms could strengthen the Ottoman Empire and thus deny the Bulgarians, Greeks, Montenegrins and Serbs Ottoman territories containing their co-nationals. These concerns motivated countries to overcome their rivalries and to cooperate against the Ottomans before the reforms of the Young Turks had a chance to succeed. The outbreak of an Albanian rebellion in 1910 and the Italo-Ottoman War of 1911 convinced the Balkan governments that the time was right to realise their ambitions once and for all. By the summer of 1912, with Russian encouragement, these efforts resulted in the establishment of a loose Balkan League. It consisted of bilateral treaties among Bulgaria, Greece, Montenegro and Serbia. The most important of these agreements was the Bulgarian-Serbian alliance of March 13th, 1912, which allotted northern Albania to Serbia and most of Macedonia to Bulgaria. Claims to north-western Macedonia remained contentious. One of the provisions of the March 1912 treaty divided Macedonia into 'undisputed' and 'disputed' zones. In the likely event that the establishment of an autonomous Macedonia proved impossible, Bulgaria would receive the former, which consisted of Macedonia south-east of the Sar Mountains, while Tsar Nicholas II assumed responsibility to resolve any disagreement that might arise between the two Balkan allies over the disputed zone north-west of the Ŝar Mountains. None of the other bilateral agreements among the Balkan states contained territorial provisions. This was to cause difficulty, especially between the Bulgarians and the Greeks over the division of southern Macedonia and Salonika (Thessaloniki).
In the initial round of fighting in the First Balkan War the regional allies triumphed everywhere, much to the astonishment of the Great Powers and somewhat to the surprise of the allies themselves. The Bulgarians drove the Ottomans back through Thrace to defensive positions outside Constantinople at Chataldzha (Çatalca) and surrounded the fortress town of Adrianople (Edirne). The Greeks overran Epirus and Thessaly and besieged Janina (Ioánnina). Greek troops entered Salonika on November 7th, 1912, one day ahead of the Bulgarians. The Montenegrins overran parts of northern Albania and the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, besieging the northern Albanian town of Scutari (Shkodër). The Serbs conquered Kosovo and Macedonia. When the Bulgarians, Montenegrins and Serbs concluded an armistice with the Ottomans on December 3rd the Ottoman Empire in Europe consisted of just three besieged towns -- Adrianople, Janina and Scutari -- the Gallipoli Peninsula and the small portion of Thrace behind the Chataldzha lines.
Formal efforts to end the war shifted to London in mid-December 1912, where two simultaneous conferences took place. The first was a meeting between representatives of the Balkan allies and the Ottoman Empire and was meant to settle the war. The second conference was a consultation among the Great Power ambassadors accredited to Britain. The six Great Powers intended this meeting to oversee the Balkan negotiations and ensure that their interests were maintained in the peace settlement. On the urging of Austria-Hungary and Italy, the Ambassadors Conference recognised Albanian independence on December 20th, 1912.
But negotiations in London soon stalled and the war resumed on February 3rd, 1913. The Greeks took Janina on March 6th, the Bulgarians seized Adrianople on March 26th and the Montenegrins entered Scutari on April 23rd. Peace negotiations were restarted in London, where the Balkan Allies eventually signed a peace treaty with the Ottomans on May 30th, 1913. With the Treaty of London, the Ottoman Empire ceded all its lands in Europe west of a straight line drawn from the Aegean port of Enos (Enez) to the Black Sea port of Midia (Midye). The Ottomans also renounced claims to the Aegean Islands and Crete. Though the treaty sanctioned Albanian independence, the Great Powers reserved for themselves the right to determine the borders of the new state.

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